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Goodbye 'Belvoir angels', hello 'soul effigies'


A good example of a 'Belvoir Angel' on a memorial at Hickling, Nottinghamshire.


The same motif is also found on limestone memorials. This one is at Barrowby near Grantham in Lincolnshire.


Motifs found on numerous early eighteenth century gravestones are known colloquially as 'Belvoir angels' because a significant number are located in the Vale of Belvoir. But this term was invented in the 1970s by the pioneer researcher Bernard Heathcote. Furthermore, despite first impressions, when they were carved they were not thought to be angels. And the motif is also found over a much wider area - as far away as New England and Massachusetts, on late seventeenth memorials in the burial grounds associated with early Puritan settlers.


One of the gravestones from a late seventeenth century graveyard in New England. Photograph from the Farber Gravestone Collection.


Slightly older memorials alongside them in the New World have winged skulls, although there are few examples in England. This one, carved in 1709, is in the churchyard of St Peter's at Broadstairs on the Isle of Thanet. Photograph by John Hamilton.


Spiritus on a wall memorial at Gumley. Photograph by George Keeping.


Wall memorial dated 1695 inside the porch of Orston church.


Posher and more three-dimensional versions are found throughout England on wall monuments. They came into vogue early in the seventeenth century and were inspired by Italian amorini. The original sense of amorini was 'winged heads', while putti was the name for chubby infants with wings. However in recent years popular usage has conflated amorini with putti.

The motif on wall memorials is known to British art historians as spiritus and considered to depict the soul of the deceased. Their appearance on seventeenth century monuments signified what we might call 'high church' sentiments – although the term High Church only comes into use with the Oxford Movement of the 1830s.

So in the seventeenth century these three-dimensional winged heads were thought to be the soul rising to heaven. And the more two-dimensional winged heads on seventeenth century gravestones in America are still referred to as 'soul effigies'. This term was almost certainly current in England before the families set off for the New World. So, at the time the so-called Belvoir angels were being carved in and around the Vale of Bevloir we can reasonably assume that they would have been thought of as soul effigies too.


Emblem VIII.


Quite likely the motif was influenced by Francis Quarles' book Emblems which became widely popular after it was first published in 1634. Quarles' ornate and metaphorical poetry was accompanied by grotesque illustrations engraved by William Marshall and others. Emblem XIII is called 'The Soul Winged'. But, so far as I can establish from online sources, the relevant illustration depicts a full adult human figure with wings, not a winged head. Later editions often have different and less grotesque illustrations.

So, if this motif was once known as a 'soul effigy' why did it acquire the name 'Belvoir angel'? Neither term is used by Alfred Herbert in his late 1930s article on Swithland slates nor by Frederick Burgess in his seminal book on English churchyard memorials published in 1963. He illustrates several but, in an otherwise exhaustive discussion of motifs on memorials, does not discuss them apart from the briefest of remarks in the section on angels where he deems the Vale of Belvoir angels to be 'folk art' and so 'perhaps most removed from our present taste'. (Little wonder that art historians of the 1950s and 60s were deemed a decidedly snooty lot.) Seemingly Burgess was not aware of the term 'soul effigy'.

The first survey of these supposed angels in the Vale was done in the 1970s by Bernard Heathcote and his wife Pauline. In a book published in 2008 Bernard wrote '… we affectionately styled them "The Vale of Belvoir Angels".' He also wrote 'The early angel heads seen on the Vale of Belvoir stones possibly represents the soul of the departed winging its way to heaven.' So although he is responsible for creating the misleading impression that they are mostly or only found in the Vale he did have some understanding of their original meaning.

Pauline and Bernard Heathcote, 2008, Vale of Belvoir Angels, published by author; online at www.hicklingnottslocalhistory.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Heathcote-book-scans.pdf


'To die is gain' with soul effigy on a memorial of 1730 at Langar.


On many of the Charnwood slate gravestones one or more soul effigies are not the only decorative motif. Hourglasses and crossed bones – both emblems of mortality – are commonest, as are phrases such as 'Come ye blessed' and 'To die is gain'. These texts are Biblical references – 'Come ye blessed' alludes to Matthew 25:34-36 and is taken to imply the faithful will have a better life after death.


Cross and Crown on a memorial at Langar. Photograph by David Lea.


Later memorials include the 'Cross and Crown'. This allegory was derived from James 1:12 and conveys a similar sentiment, that is reward in heaven – the crown – will come after the trials in this life – the cross.


Father Time with scythe at Stanford on Soar, Nottinghamshire. Beneath Father Time is the quote: 'All that are in graves shall come forth.' (John 5:28). On a double memorial with dates of death 1779 and 1791. Photograph by David Lea.


Later memorials of the mid-seventeenth century lack the soul effigy but include the full gamut of these symbols of mortality, with the most dramatic being bas-reliefs of Father Time with a scythe and wings. The scythe may also be held by a skeletal depiction of Death himself.


The Day of Judgement as anticipated at Rothley. Photograph by David Lea.


Similar sentiments at St Mary de Castro, Leicester. Photograph by David Lea.


Winged skulls, soul effigies, hourglasses, crossbones (with or without skulls), depictions of Father Time and Death as the Grim Reaper, together with the nuances of the Cross and Crown motif suggest that the deceased – and their families commissioning the memorials – had something of an obsession with the afterlife. This is reinforced by the occasional depiction of an angel sounding the Last Trumpet – announcing the Day of Judgement. And, since medieval times and throughout the eighteenth century this meant that souls would be reunited with their mortal remains and be resurrected. The main scriptural reference is Revelation 20:12-14:

    And I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God; and the books were opened: and another book was opened, which is the book of life: and the dead were judged out of those things which were written in the books, according to their works.
    And the sea gave up the dead which were in it; and death and hell delivered up the dead which were in them: and they were judged every man according to their works.

And, although not explicitly stated on the these eighteenth century memorials, the idea of reunification of body and soul at the Day of Judgement was widely believed. If you need any more convincing then read the inscriptions on the headstones with soul effigies. The start with the words 'Here lies interred… ', 'Here lies the body of… ' and similar expressions. 'Body and soul' dominate the top half of these memorials.

When beliefs in the Resurrection abate later in the eighteenth century the wording changes to 'In sacred memory of…' or the secular counterpart 'In memory of…' Which in turn evolves into 'In loving memory of…'.

So which religious denominations in the early eighteenth century were most concerned with the Resurrection? Well it's hard to say as everyone worshipped at the parish church. And was buried in the parish churchyard. Only after Nonconformists began establishing chapels in the later eighteenth century can we be sure those buried in parish churchyards were more-or-less Anglican in outlook.

We know that the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century memorials in the New World are associated with Puritans. But the term 'Puritan' went out of use around 1700. Individual beliefs in late seventeenth and early eighteenth century England were pluralistic. Among the more prominent denominations were Anglicans, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, United Reformers, Quaker and Anabaptists. Even within the Church of England some people were more Anglican – or as we would now say, High Church – than others. In the early eighteenth century those who wanted a more Puritan-style liturgy were known as 'Reformers'. The same people were known to those on the other side of the spiritual fence as 'Dissenters'.

All these Christians shared the basic tenet that the New Testament is an exposition of the triumph of life over death and and a promise of eternal life for believers. This tenet is included in the Apostle's Creed with the phrase the 'resurrection of the body and life everlasting'. During the early modern period death increasingly became regarded as the fate of individuals resulting in earlier beliefs about the Last Judgement becoming modified (Tingle 2023).


'Passion symbols' on a memorial at Kings Norton dated 1760.


By the 1760s people were definitely making statements of their religious identity on memorials. David Lea has identified a small number of gravestones in and around Kings Norton and also at Wistow, Foston, Lowesby and Anstey which include the so-called 'Passion symbols' or Arma Christi. David also noticed a headstone at St Mary de Castro, Leicester, with Passion symbols (it's the memorial to Mary Bird who died in 1765). These Passion symbols can only mean the deceased were recusant Catholics.

My suspicion is that soul effigies were a way for earlier eighteenth century families to express 'association' with specific beliefs. Yes, of course they must have been at least a little more wealthy than those who could not afford 'ornamentation' on their memorials. But it's not simply about the presence or otherwise of ornamentation. It's about the choice of what is depicted. The nearest parallel is with buying a car. The same money will buy either a high-mileage used Porsche or a brand new Skoda. Different folks will prefer one to other - almost entirely because the two options make entirely different 'statements' about social aspirations. The soul effigy – and associated memento mori motifs – is saying more than just 'we can afford a fancy memorial'.

But what spiritual movement might soul effigies be associated with? The most influential of the Reformers at the time of the soul effigies was Matthew Henry who lived from 1662 to 1714. At this stage I have no idea if his voluminous publications were especially concerned with the afterlife of the soul and the Day of Judgement. If anyone reading this article is familiar with Henry's Commentary then his exegeses of the biblical passages most often cited on early slate memorials might provide some insights. Please email me if you can shed any light.

I suspect, although have not been able to substantiate, that in the area where soul effigies are most common the Rev John Barret (1631–1713) might have been influential in promoting views about the Last Judgement. Barret was ordained at Wymeswold by the Wirksworth classis ('church board') in 1652 and became a prominent and controversial religious writer promoting Presbyterian ideas. Again, please email me if you can shed any light.

Further evidence that the soul effigies were associated with a 'dissenting' sub-sect of the Church of England rather than the Anglican or High Church end of the spectrum of beliefs is the location of the motif. Very few are found in town graveyards. A few yes, but not in the same numbers as in some – but not all – rural churchyards. While a more sophisticated survey is needed to confirm this (anyone out there looking for a topic for an MA thesis?) my impression is that that soul effigies are most likely to be found in villages which became associated with framework knitting, lacemaking and, later, boot and shoe outworking.

The underlying reason is that some rural villages only had absent landowners – often one of the Oxbridge colleges. They are known to historians as 'open villages' in distinction to 'closed villages' where the landowner lived in the parish and kept close control over who lived in the village. The Vale of Belvoir has many open villages. So most of the churchyards have soul effigies. Wymeswold is a good example of an open village. And St Mary's churchyard is home to a substantial number of these soul effigies.


Six soul effigies on a memorial in Wymeswold churchyard to a mother and her five sons. Dated 1732.


What we do know is that people moving to open villages were more likely to be dissenters. These villages acquire a sequence of chapels, perhaps starting with the Anabaptists or Quakers, then a Baptist chapel, followed by a Wesleyan Methodist place of worship and then one for the Primitive Methodists. But all that is of course around 100 years after the soul effigies were being carved. Back then, in the early eighteenth century, Reformers and Anglicans were buried together in the parish churchyard. But the motifs on a person's memorial made a statement about the deceased's beliefs.

But this motif is far from exclusive to north Leicestershire and south Nottinghamshire. The motif can be found in north Northamptonshire and south-west Lincolnshire. To me it seems intentionally ignorant to continue calling them 'Belvoir angels' when clearly when carved they would have been known as 'soul effigies'. Hence the title of this article: 'Goodbye Belvoir angels, hello soul effigies'.


Winged skulls and winged heads have a modern albeit secular successor in Ohio. This is the memorial to the legendary baseball player Cy Young (1867–1955). It reminds some people of the golden snitch in Quidditch. In Harry Potter and the Resurrection Stone the eponymous stone which brings loved ones back from the dead is hidden inside the golden snitch. Probably just coincidence.


Acknowledgements

My grateful thanks to all the following. David Lea for his detailed survey of Charnwood slate memorials and their carvers, and for bringing to my attention Francis Quarles's Emblems and the gravestones with Passion Symbols. Professors Keith Snell and Elizabeth Tingle for assistance and encouragement. John Hamilton for informing me about the Thanet winged skull. The late Hilary Healey for noting that the term 'soul effigies' is used in America and to Richard Tuxworth and Peter Reichelt for making available a handout Hilary prepared in 2011. Ann Schmidt and other members of the Nether Broughton Local History Group who looked in detail at the history of the 'Belvoir angel' carvings at Nether Broughton and Hickling. Ian Brown spotted the golden snitch and Resurrection Stone 'connection'.

Ann Schmidt and others have formed a Belvoir Angel Society.


Sources

Burgess, Frederick, 1963, English Churchyard Memorials, Lutterworth Press.

Healey, Jonathan, 2023, The Blazing World: A new history of revolutionary England, Bloomsbury.

Heathcote, Pauline and Bernard, 2008, Vale of Belvoir Angels, published by author; online at www.hicklingnottslocalhistory.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Heathcote-book-scans.pdf

Herbert, Alfred, 1938/9, 'Swithland Slate Headstones' www.le.ac.uk/lahs/downloads/SwithlandPagesfromsmvolumeXXIIpart2-3.pdf

Kemp, Brian, 1980, English Church Monuments, Batsford.

Lea, David, 2023, Swithland Slate Headstones: An illustrated survey; online at www.hoap.co.uk/swithland_slate_headstones.pdf

Parry, Graham, 2006, Glory, Laud and Honour, Boydell (esp. pp94-6 re amorini, putti and angels)

Tingle, Elizabeth, 2023, 'Changing Western European visions of Christian afterlives, 1350 - 1700: Heaven, Hell and Purgatory', in P. Booth and E. Tingle (eds), A Companion to Death, Burial, and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe c.1300-1700, Brill.

Trubshaw, Bob, 2022, 'Charnwood slate gravestones and eighteenth century trade routes', Leicestershire Historian, No.58 (2022) pp37-42

Farber Gravestone Collection

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Quarles

Based on an article originally published in Leicestershire Historian 2024 p26–30 and reproduced as an appendix to a free PDF called Conversations in Churchyards: A field guide to the social history of memorials.

 



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